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A LITERARY' H I S T O R Y OF P E R S I Amodern Tines (1500-' 924) BY '.' LuEDWARD G B R O W N ECAMBRIDGE A T T H E U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS1359SHAH ' A U E THE S GREAT 1920.9. 17 -044 (Brit.Mus.)A LITERARY HISTORY O F PERSIA3Lfodern Times('500-1924)CAMBRIDGE A T T H E U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS I')SfJSI-IA.H'A.UBAS THE GREATPUBLISHED B Y T H E SYNDICS OF T H E CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESSBentley House, ZOO Euston Road, London, N. I American Branch: 32 East 57th Street, New York 22, N. Y.I DEDI'CATE THIS VOLUME TO MY MOTHER I N TOKEN OF A GREAT DEBT OF GRATITUDE AND LOVEFirst published under the title of A Histoy of Persian Literature, 1500-1924 Re-issued Reprinted1'924 1928 793O 1953 '959I343 LI&&Firdawsi, YLsuf u Zzclaykhf (ed. 2421-2and 2426).I-33&JLCJ.f raj MIrzl JaZ&ZulZ-Manzctlik.First printed in Great Brit& uni The University Press, Cambridp Reprinted 6g Sportiswoodc, Ballantyne @ Co., Lrd., Colchcstcr+,jdfb240,ic;,;PREFACETHIS volume concludes the task which I undertookmore than twenty-two years ago, and which represents the labour of a life-time, for ever since I began the study of Persian in the summer of 1880, being then only eighteen years of age, the desire to write a complete Literary History of Persia has increasingly possessed me.
The first instalment, 'from the earliest times until Firdawsi,' carried the history down to the early days of the eleventh century of the Christian era, and was published in 1902; and the continuation, down to the Mongol Invasion in the middle of the thirteenth century, in 1906, both these volumes being published by Mr Fisher Unwin. Fourteen years elapsed ere the third volume, entitled A History of PersiazLiterature under Tartar Dominion (A.D. 1265-1502), saw the light. The reasons which led me to issue it in a form and under a title differing somewhat from its predecessors are explained on p. Viii of the Preface, but essentially it constitutes the third volume of the Literary History of Persia, just as this, which deals with the last four centuries (A.D. 1500-1924), and is entitled, as foreshadowed in the same Preface (p. Ix), A History of Persiaft Literature in Modera Times, is to be regarded as the fourth and last volume of the work.
Although I cannot regard this present volume as superior to its three predecessors in form or interest, and am fully aware of its defects, I think that it contains more new matter and represents more original research than the others. Owing to the opinion prevalent not only in Europe, but to a considerable extent in Turkey and India also, that poetry is the only department of Persian literature which merits much attention, and that little poetry worth reading has been produced since the time of Jdmi, the literature of the last four centuries has been very much neglected, andiPREFACEPREFACEthe sources of which I have made use are almost exclusively Persian, and, until the nineteenth century is reached, when printing and lithography were gradually introduced into Persia, chiefly manuscript. In the formation of my Persian library I have always had regard to the requirements of my work rather than to mere beauty of illumination, illustration, or hand-writing, and I have been singularly fortunate in acquiring the very interesting collection of the late Sir Albert Houtum Schindler and a number of the rare and precious manuscripts collected by the late Hijji 'Abdu'lMajid Belshah. Ellis I am indebted for the generous loan, often for a period of several years, of many rare books to which I could not otherwise have obtained access; while for constant and ungrudging help I am under the deepest obligations to his successor in the Oriental Book Department of the British Museum, Mr E.
Edwards, as well as to Dr L. Barnett, the Head of that Department. I wish that I could have profited more by the counsel of my Persian friends, especially MirzA Muhammad KhAn of Qazwin and HAjji MirzA YahyA of DawlatAbAd, during the progress of this work, but to my old acquaintance Husayn Dgnish Bey of the Ottoman Public Debt, a notable man of letters both in Persian and Turkish, I am indebted for many valuable and illuminating observations. Another old friend, Sayyid Hasan Taqi-zAda, fortunately chanced to visit this country after an absence of some fourteen years while the last sheets of this book were passing through the Press, and he most kindly read through the proots and favoured me with numerous observatiolls and corrections which will be noticed under the Errata and Addenda. From well-read and intelligent Persians the European student of their language can learn many things not to be found in books, a t any rate in books to which he has access, while their taste and judgement, even if at times he cannot wholly agree with them, are almost always suggestive and deserving of consideration. Only a few days ago I receiveda visit from the learned Shaykh Kizim ad-Dujayli, an Arabic-speaking Shi'a of 'Iriq who has recently joined the teaching staff of the London School of Oriental Studies, and I enquired of him what, in his opinion, were the best Arabic books on Shi'a doctrine.
H e at once named the five following works, none of which I had previously heard of, much less seen, though all have been printed or lithographed in Persia: ( I ) KashfiJl-Gh$d ft k h b a ' rA i i ' l - u t dby f d Shaykh, Ja'far al-Kabir. (2) Kitdbu'Z Qawdnin, by al-Qummi. (3) Kitdbu Rasa'ilz'sh- Shaykh Mzbrtadd aZ-Ansdyi.
(4) jawdhirz'L-KaZdm,by Shaykh Muhammad Hasan. (5) Kitdbzl'G Wask'il, by Hijji MirzP Husayn an-Ndri.viiiixI will not attempt to thank individually all those who by their sympathy and interest have encouraged me in my book, or who by their skilful craftsmanship have given it form and substance.
T h e writing of it has been a pleasure, and the completing of it is a source of thankfulness and satisfaction. Even its errors and imperfections will, I trust, by provoking criticism and stimulating research, serve to advance and extend our knowledge of the subject, and if, as I hope, I have been single-minded in this aim, I shall prefer the reasoned criticism of competent scholars to the undiscriminating praise of over-zealous friends, even as Sa'di says:'Thou who recountest my virtues, thou dost me harm in sooth: Such is my outward seeming, but thou hast not known the truth.' BROWNE.TABLE O F C O N T E N T S PREFACE.PAGE.viiPART I AN OUTLINE OF PERSIAN HISTORY DURING THE LAST FOUR CENTURIES CHAP.3.32.841. Some general considerations on the Safawi Dynasty 11. The Creation of the Safawi Power to 930/1524. ShAh Isma'il and his Ancestors 111.
Culmination and Decline of the Safawi Power, from Sh&hTahmPsp (A.D. 1524-1576) to ShAh IJusayn (A.D. 1694-1722) IV. An Outline of the history of Persia during the last two centuries (A.D.
1722-1922).121PART I1 PERSIAN VERSE DURING THE LAST FOUR CENTURIES'Some general considerations on the later and especially the Religious Poetry of the Persians. Poets of the Classical Tradition. Pre-QAjAr period (A.D. V.1500-Ism).161.224 298VV. Poets of the QAj&rperiodPART I11 PERSIAN PROSE DURING THE LAST FOUR CENTURIESVIII. The orthodox Shi'a Faith and its exponents, the Mujtahids and Mullis IX. Prose writers until A.D.
The most modern developments (A.D. 1850 onwards).INDEX.353412 458 491ERRATA AND ADDENDALIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.1.ShLh 'Abbis I ('the Great1')11.Shaykh AbdAl Pir-zdda presenting the Uzbek leader's horse to S h i h 'tlbbis.111. Shdh 'Abbds I1 IV.Karim Ichin-i-Zand's Court.112,1,140,11,142.,I44.Karim Khin-i-Zand aloneAsh Muhammad KhAn and Hijji IbrihimVIII.
Autograph of the poet SQib IX. Autograph of the poet Wi5PlX.HAjjiMirzPAqAsi.XI. Autograph of the poet Yaghmi.XII. Muaffaru'd-DinMirz5 with his tutor Ridiquli KhAn 'HidPyat '. Autograph of Mulli Muhammad BBqir-i.
Autograph of Shaykh ahi'u'd- in-i-'miliXIV. Autograph of Mulli SadrP XV.To facepage 42 9,V.Frontispiece,VI.VII. Shifilf, poet and physician(The letters T.
Z.in brackets a t the end of a note indicate that the correction was suggested by Taqi-zPda.)XVI. Autograph of MullP Muhsin-i-Fayd.p. ' R e a d 9 L ('ways,' 'passages ') for,?LO ('Tombs'), which gives no good sense.' T.z. T h e washing of the feet before praying is a Sunnf practice; the Shf'a confine themselves to mere stroking of the foot (musb) with the damp hand. T h e clasping of the hands mentioned in the succeeding msrrt6 is also characteristic of the Sunnis; the ShiLalet them hang down by their sides. ' F o r p read No Shf'a could have written this verse without exposing himself to the charge of blasphemy.'
188, last three lines. 'The Asrdr-i-Shahhiat' is commonly ascribed to MullP P - i - a r b a entitled ndf, the Promoter of mourning for the Holy Family' (Murawwtj'-i-'Azd-dctdyi-Ahl-iBayt).'
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220, last paragraph. 'Mention should be made of the poems of Safi-'Alf ShPh, and of his versified Persian commentary on the Quv'dn.'
T.z. (I can find no mention of him in the Mnjmn'uJl- ' ABustdnuls-Szyd/rat, ifin, or any of the I;u.sn4LfJ the j f r i zthe Catalogues a t my disposal.) p. 22 I, ' Rlidagf?
299, ' Rddakf should be identical in spelling, and I believe that the latter form is the more correct. 'Mention should be made of V.
Zhukovskils collection of Persian Ta;ntfs1 with Russian translations, published a t S t Petersburg in 1902. Berezine also published nine T a n i f swith English jJ1 I t is, however, ascribed, as I have ascribed it, to Isma'fl KhAn SarbQz by Edwards in his Catalogue of Persian Books in the British Museum, col. T h e life of Mull5 AqP-yi-arbandf,who died at an advanced age sometime before A.D. 1873, is given in the @a;u'l'Ufamrt (TihrPn lith. Of 130411886, pp.
Amongst his works mention is there made of one entitled Iksiru'b'Ibdddt ff AsrdriJrhShahdddt.ERRATA AND ADDENDAxivtranslations set to music and adapted to the piano.' T.z. (I find that I possess the former work, which is entitled OBPAQFJ nEpCII)(CAro HnPoxHAro TBOPPECTBA, but I cannot identify the latter.) p. 338 'Two half-verses (mi;rd1) have been accidentally omitted after 1. The two verses should run thus T.2.1:JJERRATA AND ADDENDA,xvp. 'Thejdmz7-i-'Abbdsi was completed in20 chapters, and has been printed repeatedly, but the first five chapters are often published separately for the instruction of children in elementary religious duties.' T.z.
According to Edwards (+.cit., cols. 407-8) chapters vi-xx were subsequently added to Shaykh-iBahP'i's unfinished work by NizPm b. 407, fourth line from the end, and p. 'The Abwdbu'lj a n d n was not by MullP Muhsin-i-Fayd, but, so far as I remember, by Mull5 Husayn Wd'ig-i-Kishifi, the author of the well-known Anwdr-i-Suhayli.'
T.z. T h e real author appears to have been Muhammad b. Fathu1115h Rafi'u'd-Din, called ' Wd'ii-Qazwint' ('the Preacher of Qazwin').
See Edwards, oj. There is some difference of opinion as to the proper vocalization of the place-name which I have written ' TanukBbun.' Taqfz5da thinks it should be ' TunukAbun,' while Ridi-quli Kh5n in his A?qzdman-drd;yi-Ndi gives it as ' TanakBbun.' ' The titles ' Mzhagqip-i-ArdabiZi'and ' Mupadah-iAr&biZi' both belong to Mull5 Ahmad, so that the first line on p.
370 should read 'The same ntzq?ahid of Ardabil, also entitled Mujiapqip,' etc. 370, last line.
'Hijji Mirz5 Hasan-i-ShirAzland HAjji Mirz5 Hasani-Ashtiy&ni are not to be mentioned in the same breath. The former was to the latter as a king is to a petty local governor.' ' JamAl-i-KhwBnsBri 5 was the author of the well-known book on the superstitions of Persian women entitled Kitdb-iKuZthzi7z Nana. His father, Aq5 Husayn-i-KhwinsirP, was called Master U I ' G K Z Z (' the 'LI+41 w r rp9b d 315.&@ In this hunting expedition 56,700 head of game are said to have60CREATION OF THE SAFAWf POWERPT IFrom FBrs Shdh Isma'il marched into Shirwdn (where Shaykh Shdh, the son of Farrulth-YasAr, had re-established himself), recovered the body of his father Shaykh Attacks S h h A n. Haydar and conveyed it to Ardabil for burial, as already related, and took Darband. So far Shdh Isma'il had been chiefly occupied in putting down minor princes and pretenders and in consolidating his power in Persia, of which he had to the West Two powerful and North-West greatly enlarged the territories, the Uzbeks and and had almost restored the ancient frontiers of Ottomans. SBsAnian times.
Hitherto he had hardly come into conflict with the two powerful enemies who were destined to give so much trouble to himself and his successors, to wit the Uzbeks of Central Asia and the Ottoman Turks. Of his relations with these formidable rivals we must now speak, but, before doing so, a few more words may be said of ShAh Isma'il's character and appearance. As usual, a much more vivid picture of these is given by contemporary shah Isma'Il's travellers than by his own countrymen, though appearance and his courage, energy, cruelty and restless activity character as are sufficiently apparent in the Persian chronicles depicted by contemporary of his reign.
A t the age of thirteen, when he European travellers. Began his career of conquest, he was, according to Caterino Zenol, 'of noble presence and a truly royal bearing, as in his eyes there was something, I know not what, so great and commanding, which plainly showed that he would yet some day become a great ruler. Nor did the virtues of his mind disaccord with the beauty of his person, as he had an elevated genius, and such a lofty idea of things as seemed incredible a t such a tender age.He had vigour of mind, quickness of perception, and a personal valour. Never yet.equalled by any of his contemporaries.' Angio1 Nan-ative of Italian Travels in Persia (Hakluyt Society, London, 1873), PP.
2 2 sz@ra, where part of this passage has been already cited.CH. 111SHAH ISMA'fL DESCRIBEDlellol speaks of 'his beauty and pleasing manners ' when he was a child, and relatesa how, in his campaign against 'Ala'u'd-Dawla (' Alidoli '), ' he supplied himself with provisions, paying for everything, and proclaiming abroad that everyone might bring supplies to the camp for sale, and that anyone taking anything without paying for it would be put to death.' ' This Sophi,' he says a little further onS, 'is fair, handsome, and very pleasing; not very tall, but of a light and well-framed figure; rather stout than slight, with broad shoulders. His hair is reddish; he only wears moustachios, and uses his left hand instead of his right. H e is as brave as a game-cock, and stronger than any of his lords; in the archery contests, out of the ten apples that are knocked down, he knocks down seven; while he is a t his sport they play on various instruments and sing his praises.' ' H e is almost worshipped,' he remarks in another place4, 'more especially by his soldiers, many of whom fight without armour, being willing to die for their master.
While I was in Tauris Tabriz I heard that the king is displeased with this adoration, and being called God!' The anonymous merchant describes him6 at the age of thirty-one as ' Very handsome, of a magnanimous countenance, and about middle height; he is fair, stout, and with broad shoulders, his beard is shaved and he only wears a moustache, not appearing to be a very heavy man. H e is as amiable as a girl, left-handed by nature, is as lively as a fawn, and stronger than any of his lords. In the archery trials a t the apple he is so expert that of every ten he hits six.' The same writer, on the other hand, after describing his massacre of Alwand's soldiers, of the male and female kinsmen of Sulfin Ya'qhb, of three 1 Narrative ofItalian Travels in Persia, p.
Rog and 196, and p. Part of this passage has been already quoted on p. 23 sujra.CREATION OF THE SAFAwf POWERPT Ihundred courtezans of Tabriz, of 'eight hundred avaricious Rlasil' who had been brought up under Alumut i.e.Alwand, of ' all the dogs in Tauris,' and of his own mother or stepmother, concludes, ' From the time of Nero to the present, I doubt whether so bloodthirsty a tyrant has ever existed.' H e presented, in short, the strangest blend of antithetical qualities; and we are alternately attracted by his personal charm, his unquestionable valour, generosity and-within certain limits-justice, and repelled by actions, such as those recorded above, revealing a savagery remarkable even in that cruel and bloodthirsty age.
His courage was shown not only on the field of battle but in the chase. Hearing after his conquest and occupation of BaghdAd of a singularly fierce man-eating lion which had its lair in a thicket and terrified the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, he insisted, in spite of all remonstrances, in destroying it single-handed with the bow he knew so well how to use2. A t the age of thirteen he had already slain a fierce bear in like manner in a cave near Arzinjhns. When ' immense treasures ' fell into his hands on the capture of one of the Caspian ports, 'he divided them amongst his men, keeping nothing for himself'.'
Yet the same traveller who reports this instance of generosity and political foresight (for in consequence of it ('he was joined by numbers, even those who were not Suffaveans flocking to his standard in hopes of receiving gifts of this nature from the valiant Ismael ') describes how the ShAh with his own hand cut off the head of the unfortunate young prince ' Alumut6,' captured by treachery, whom he himself had seen bound in chains in a tent; and tells of even darker deeds wrought at Tabriz on the occasion of the ShAh's I am at a loss to explain this word. A & a n u ' f - T a w d (Ellis d MS.),f. TaveZsof a Merchant, p. The flabibu's-Szjar and other Persian histories, however, represent Alwand as dying a natural death. 111PERSECUTION OF SUNNfSsecond entry into that city in A.D.
Towards the Sunnis he showed himself ruthless, sparing neither Ruthless reprcssion of eminent divines like the learned Faridu'd-Din Sunnis. Ahmad, a grandson of the celebrated scholar Sa'du'd-Din-i-TaftdzM, who for thirty years had held the office of Shaykhu'l-Isldm in HerAt: nor witty poets like 5 I 2. Bannd'i, who perished in the massacre of Qarshi in 91811 Rut perhaps the most conspicuous instance of a ferocity which pursued his foes even after their death was his treatment of the body of his old enemy Muhammad KhAn Shaybdni, or Shaybak, the Uzbek, of which we shall have to speak very shortly. I t has already been stated that the foreign relations of ShAh Isma'il, after he had cleared Persia of the 'White Sheep' and other rivals for the sceptre of that Foreign relations or e r s i at a this ancient kingdom, were chiefly with three Powers, period. The TimGrids, who still kept a precarious hold on Herdt and portions of Khurdsdn and Central Asia; the formidable Uzbeks of Transoxiana; and the Ottoman Turks, With the last two, rigid Sunnis in both cases, the relations of Persia were, and continued to be, uniformly hostile; with the TimGrids, themselves menaced by the Uzbeks, comparatively friendly and at times even cordial.
The aged Sulfdn Husayn ibn BayqarA, whose brilliant and luxurious court a t HerAt was so famous a centre of literature and art: is reckoned amongst the rulers who, with less success than ShAh Isma'fl, endeavoured to replace the Sunni by the Shi'a doctrine in their dominions4; and Bdbur, whether 13Travels a MercAant, p. He was put to death in Ramadin, g16/December, I 5 10. R Martin's Miniature Painfings andPainters ofPersiaetc., pp.
35-6, 4 See Lit. 456, and Add. Zoo of the Cambridge University Library, f. 4sb, which places this attempt in the year 87311468-9.CREATION OF THE s A F A W POWER64PT Ifrom conviction or policy, showed enough partiality towards the Shi'a faction to cause grave disaffection amongst his Central Asian Sunni subjects'. There existed, then, in this case no such essential cause of enmity as in the two others, while a common hatred of ShaybAni KhAn and his redoutablq Uzbeks naturally tended to unite BAbur to Isma'il. I t is beyond the scope of this work to enter into a detailed account of the decline of the Tim6rid and the rise of the Uzbek power, of which ample particulars may Shaybanf or Shaybak Khan be found in Ersltine's and other works2.
Suffice and the Uzbeks. It to say that Shaybdnf or Shaybak Khin, a direct descendant of Chingiz KhAn?
First became prominent about A.D. 1500, when he captured Samarqand and BulthAri, and later TAshkand and FarghAna. H e invaded KhurAsAn in 91 1/15o5-6, in the year of SulfAn Husayn's death, and in the course of the next year or two practically exterminated the TimGrids, with the exception of BAbur and Badi'u'zZamin, of whom the latter sought refuge with ShAh Isma'il. I t was not until g16/15 10-r I, however, that he came into direct conflict with S h i h Isma'il, whom he had provoked by a raid on Rirmin in the previous year and a most insulting letter in reply to Isma'il's politely-worded remonstrance4. ShAh Isma'il was not slow to respond to his taunts, and, 1 See W.
Erskine's History of India, vol. I (London, 1854)pp. 319320.For example, the Histo9.y of the Koghulsof Central Asia etc., by N. Elias and Sir E. Denison Ross (London, 18g8),and, of course, theincomparable Memoirs of Bdbzw, in the tasteful new edition of Erskine and Leyden's translation annotated and revised by Sir Lucas King (Oxford, 1921).
The Ahsanu't-Tawdikh(f. 8gb) gives his pedigree thus: Shaybak KhAn b. BGdgq Sultan b.
Abu'l-Khayr KhAn b. Ilawlat Shaykh b. Flti-oghlan b. Fhlbd-Oghlan b. Aybu Khwgja b. Chingiz IChAn.
See Erskine's History of lza'io,vol. The text of this long letter is given in the Absanu't-Tawdrikh (Ellis MS., ff. 11DEATH OF S H A Y B NTHE UZBEIC65 the rest of his realms being for the moment tranquil, a t once marched into KhurAsin to meet him, visiting on his way the Shrine of the ImAm 'Ali Rid&a t Mashhad, Death of Shaybdni in battle, SO sacred in Shi'a eyes. The decisive battle was Dec. Fought on Dec.
I or 2, 15 10, a t TAhir-AbAd near Merv, where, after a stubborn and protracted conflict, the Uzbeks were utterly defeated and Shaybdni killed. When his body was found under a heap of slain, ShAh Isma'il ordered the limbs to be cut off and distributed to different parts of his kingdom, and the head to be stuffed with straw and sent as a grim gift to the Ottoman Sulfin BAyazid I1 a t Constantinoplel. T h e bones of the skull he caused to be mounted in gold and made into a drinking-cup Barbarous treatment ofhis for his own use, and one hand he sent to AqA remains. Rustam RGz-afzGn, the ruler of MAzandarbn, by a special messenger, Darwish Muhammad YasgGl, who cast the hand on t o Rustam's skirt as he sat amidst his courtiers a t Sfiri, crying 'Thou didst 'say, 'My hand on Shaybak KhAn's skirt' (dast-i-man-ast u ddman-i-Shaybak Khn'n)?
Lo, his hand is now on thy skirt I ' So astounded were those present by this audacity that none lifted a hand to stay the messenger's departure, and Rustam received so great a shock that he soon afterwards sickened and died. Of the drinkingcup the following grim anecdote is told. One of ShaybAni's trusted advisers, KhwAja Kamdlu'd-Din SAgharchf, saved his life by professing the Shi'a faith, and was admitted into the service of ShAh Isma'il. One day a t a banquet the latter, pointing to the drinking-cup, asked him if he recognized the sltull of his late master. 'Yes, glory be to God,' replied KamAlu'd-Din; ' and how favoured by fortune was 1 According to the history of Shah Isma'il contained in Add.
Zoo of the Cambridge University Library (f. 141), Prince (afterwards SultAn) Salim was greatly offended at this, and had a violent quarrel with his father BByazfd on the subject. I seek protection from him.'
66CREATION OF THE SAFAWf POWERPT Ihe! Nay, fortune still abides with him, so that even now he rests in the hands of so auspicious a being as thyself, who continually drinks the Wine of Delight! 'Shaybdni KhAn was sixty-one years of age at the time of his death and had reigned eleven years. He was, as already stated, a fanatical Sunni and had grievously persecuted the Shi'a in his dominions: now it was the Sunnis who suffered in their turn at the hands of ShAh Isma'il. The Uzbek power, in spite of this disaster, was far from being broken, and, though a formal peace was concluded between them and the Persians a few months afterwards, they had an ample revenge at the battle of GhujduwAn, where BAbur and his Persian allies suffered a disastrous defeAt and many of their leaders, including Najm-i-Thdni, were slain in November, 1512.
During the whole of the sixteenth century they were a constant menace to Persia, and accounts of their raids into Ic('1 Printed at Constantinople in 1274/1858. Until lately I only possessed vol. I, which comprises 626 pp. And comes down to about g66/1558-9.
For some account of this most important work, see von Hammer's Gesch. D Osnznnisch. Reich., iv, p. 1 5; Fliigel's Vienna Catalogue, i, pp. 282-3; Z.D.M.G., vii, p.
460; Notices et extraits, v, pp. 668-688; Rieu's Turkish Cat., pp. 80-83; and HAjji Khalifa (ed. Fliigel), v, p. 11TURKISH STATE PAPERS I67most of the Persian or Turkish historians.
These letters, which passed between successive Ottoman SulfAns and neighbouring rulers, as well as between them and their sons, ministers and governors, are sometimes in Turkishand sometimes in Persian or Arabic. Unfortunately many of them are undated. They have hitherto been so little used that no apology is needed for summarizing the contents or indicating the purport of such of them as concern the Safawis down to the death of ShAh Isma'il in 93011523-4, that is, during the reigns of the Ottoman SulfAns BAyazfd I1 (886I zthe o )first, 918/1481-1512), Salim I ( I - z / I I z -and four years of SulaymAn ' the Magnificent' (926-g30/152+ 15 24). (I) Fronz Ya'qu'b Pddishdh of the ' White Sheep ' dynasty to Sutd?zBdyazid, announcing the defeat and death of Shaykh flayday (Shdh Isma'iZJs father), (p. This letter, in Persian, is undated, but must have been written soon after Shaykh Haydar, who is called the ' President of the people was killed on June of error ' (Sar-i-&alga-i-arba'b-i-daZdZ), 30,1488.
The writer assumes that the news of the destruction of 'these misguided rebels, enemies of the Prophetic Dispensation and foes of Church and State' will be welcome to all good Muslims. ( 2 ) Sutdtz Bdyazids answer to the above, also ilz Prsian and undated (p. Congratulations are offered to Ya'qhb on the victory of ' the BAyandaril hosts of salvation ' over the ' misguided Haydari faction ') (gzru'h-i-Galla-i-flayday-tJ!ya). (3) From Shdh Iswza'il to SuZ&& Bdyazid II, requesting tt'zat his disc$Zes in Asia Minor may not be prevented from visitilzg him at Ara'abLZ (p.
This letter, undated and in Persian, is important as proving how numerous were the partisans of the Safawis in the Ottoman dominions. 1 BdynnnTtd is an alternative name for the Ap.-oylinb, or ' White Sheep' dynasty.
5-268CREATION OF THE SAFAWf POWERPT I(4) Su(tdn BdyazM's atzswer to the above, also itz Persian nnd zdndated (pp. The Ottoman SulfAn says that, having investigated the matter, he finds that the motive of many of these pilgrims is not the desire to fulfil a pious duty, but to escape from the obligation of military service. (5) Frorn Shdh Isma'il to SzrQdtz Bdyazld on the same subject, aalso in Persian andzlndated (pp. H e explains that he has been compelled to enter Ottoman territory to chastise his foes, but intends thereby no unfriendly or disrespectful act towards BAyazfd, and has strictly enjoined his soldiers to respect the persons and property of the inhabitants. (6) Szdtdn Bdyazld's aaswer to the above, also in Persian a n d undated (p.
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BAyazid accepts Isma'il's assurances, and has ordered his officials to co-operate with him in a friendly spirit. (7) From Alwand, the Ap-aoydnld r d e r of Persia, to Sultaiz Bdyazid, in Persian, except the ArabicproZogue, a n d undated (pp. Alwand announces the arrival of BAyazid's envoy Mahmdd Aqh Chdwzish-bhh'with his master's letter, urging the Biyandari or A q - o h n family lh to unite against their common enemy, the ' rascally Red-heads ' (Awbdshi-Qizil-bcish). Alwand promises to do his best, whether his relations help him or not, provided he can count on material and moral support from BAyazid. (8) Bdyazld's answer to the above, also in Persian a n d undated (pp. H e commends Alwand's resolve, and promises help against the 'rebellious horde of the Qizilbashes ' (ta'ifn-i-brighzj,a-i-Qizil-bdsh&ya).
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(9) From Bdyazid to fldjji Rustam Beg the Kurd, in Persian, dated Rabi' i, go8/September 1502 (p. H e asks for correct information as to the doings of the QizilbAshes and the result of their struggle with the A q - o y h n l l i or BzIyandari princes, to be communicated to his envoy KaywAn ChAw6sh.TURKISH STATE PAPERS,CH. 1169(I o) &a)yi Rustam's rep& to the above, in Persian a72d undated (pp. The writer states that the 'religionrending Qizil-bAshes ' (QiziZ- brish- i-Madhhab -khardsA), having defeated Alwand and Murid of the Aq-Qoyhnlh family, are now seeking an alliance with Egypt against the Ottoman Turks, and are advancing on Marrash and DiyAr Bakr. (I I) From Szdtdn BdyazZd to SuZtdn Ghdrl of Egypt, i7z Arabic, dated g10/15o4-5 (pp. This letter contains an allusion to 'the man who has appeared in the Eastern countries and defeated their ruler and overcome their peoples,' which, as appears from the answer, refers to ShAh Isma'il, or possibly ShAh-qulf.
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(I 2) Answer to the above, in Arabic, ulzdated (pp. This letter contains a reference to 'the victory of the misguided Qizil-bAshi faction in the Eastern countries,' described as a 'public calamity which has appeared in those regions.' These are the only letters in SulfAn RAyazidls correspondence directly connected with the Safawis, though there are others of interest to students of Persian history Growth of the addressed to SulfAn Abu'l-GhAzi Husayn (9111 bitter between Persia I 506), the poet JAmil, the philosopher JalAlu'dand Turkey. Din DawAni, and the Shaykhu'l-IslAm of HerAt Faridu'd-Din Ahmad-i-TaftizAni (g13/1507), who was put to death by ShAh Isma'il three years later for refusing to subscribe to the hi'a'doctrine. Before we consider the State Papers of SulfAn Salim's reign, something more must be said of the beginnings of that bitter strife between Turkey and Persia which is one of the most prominent features of the whole Safawi period, and has done so much to undermine the unity and weaken the power of IslAm. And here we cannot do better than quote the opening paragraph of 1SeeLit. Peus., iii, pp.
422-3.70CREATION OF THE SAFAwf POWERPT ICH. 111SHPA RISING IN ASIA MINORold Richard Knolles'sl account of the formidable Shiia revolt in Anatolia promoted by the celebrated Shzih-quli (' King's servant '), called by the Turks ShaytAn-quli ('Devil's servant '), the son of Hasan Khalifa a disciple of Isma'il's father Shaykh Haydar. 'After so many troubles,' says Knolles, 'Bajnzet gave himself unto a quiet course of life, spending most part of his time in study of Philosophy and conference The Shf'a rising with learned men; unto which peaceable kind in Asia Minor. Of life he was of his own natural disposition more enclined than to Wars; albeit that the regard of his State and the earnest desire of his Men of War drew him oftentimes even against his Will into the Field.
As for the Civil Government of his Kingdom he referred it wholly to his three principal Bassaes, AZis, Achmetes and Jachiaa, who at their pleasure disposed of all things. After that he had in this quiet and pleasing kind of life to his great contentment passed over five years, of a little neglected Spark suddainly arose such a Fire in Asia as was hardly after with much blood of his People and danger of that part of his Empire quenched; the reliques whereof yet trouble those superstitious People a t this day.